Rising Unemployment among Youth (Ages 16-24) in the OECD


In last week’s post on the December 2011 unemployment numbers in the OECD, we showed how the total unemployment rate across the OECD has remained relatively stable in recent months, ending December 2010 at 8.2%; the same rate as in November 2010. While some countries—i.e., Germany and the United States—have seen a consistent decrease in unemployment since September 2011, the majority of states have not been so lucky: Spain, for example, ended 2010 with a shocking 22.8% unemployment rate, more than 8% higher than the country with the second highest unemployment rate (Ireland, with 14.5%).

What we did not discuss at the time, however, was the disproportionate impact the economic crisis has had on certain age groups. Today, we look at unemployment trends among the youth (ages 16-24); trends that are much more alarming than the overall unemployment trends.

The first chart, below, displays youth unemployment rates from January 2000 through December 2011 for the EA-17 (e.g., the 17 European Union member states that have adopted the Euro as their currency) and the EU-27 (e.g., all 27 European Union member states). From a low of around 15% unemployment at the start of the economic crisis in 2008, youth unemployment has grown to over 21% in 2011 with no sign of abating.

Source: Eurostat

The following chart uses the same Eurostat data, but looks at within-country trends over the past 4 years. We’ve also included the United States in this sample.

Note: The data labels represent the unemployment rates in Q3-2011.

 

Viewing the data in this way shows just how dire the situation is for younger job seekers in many countries. In Spain, the youth unemployment rate rose from an already high 24.6% in 2008 to 47.8% by the third quarter of 2011, more than twice as high as the total unemployment rate of 22.8%. A similar trend is seen in the other Southern European countries, including Italy (from 21.3% in 2008 to 28.2% in 2011), Greece (from 22.1% in 2008 to 45.8% in 2011), and Portugal (from 20.2% in 2008 to 29.9% in 2011).

As for the United States, the youth unemployment rate increased from 12.8% in 2008 to 17.5% in 2011; well below the EU-27 average of 21.6% in 2011, but close to double that of Germany (8.6%), Austria (7.3%), and the Netherlands (7.6%).

In short, it is important to keep different demographic age groups in mind as we evaluate economic trends. From this data, it is clear that the youth have been particularly affected by the Great Recession, and the recent economic gains (at least in the case of the United States) have done little to improve the situation of this group.

 

Minority Representation: Population Trends among African Americans


Black History Month

As we mentioned in last Thursday’s post, February marks Black History Month, which provides us an opportunity to look into some issues involving race that may not come up at other times. For today’s post, we turn to the issue of demographics by looking at how the racial composition of the 50 states has changed across time. (We focus on the African American community here, but in a post later this month, we’ll look at the even more dramatic population trends among the Hispanic community).

According to the most recent data from the US Census Bureau, African Americans make up at least 30 percent of the population in four states: Georgia (31.5%), Louisiana (32.8%), Maryland (30.9%), and Mississippi (37.6%). In addition, the District of Columbia (though not technically a state) has an even higher African American population, which makes up a full 52.2% of the population. These are all sizeable figures given that African Americans represent only 12.9% of the national population.

These figures, however, tell us nothing about the trends over time in the racial composition of these states. To put them in context, we turned to the 1970 Census data from the Census Bureau’s archives. (We used 1970 because it is the point at which the Great Migration—a 60-year period when more than 6 million African Americans migrated from the South—ended.)

The chart at the top of this post shows the demographic changes these states have gone through over this time period. Clearly, Maryland, a crossroads state in the migration, has seen the biggest change, with the percentage of African Americans in the state increasing from 17.8% to 30.9% in just 40 years. The other three states considered saw smaller (though still significant) gains, with the African American population in Georgia increasing by 5.6 percentage points, in Louisiana by 3 percentage points, and in Mississippi by 0.8 percentage points.

Also surprising (though not included in the chart) is the inverse trend in the District of Columbia, where the African American population fell from 71.1% in 1970 to 52.2% in 2010; a trend that’s not all that surprising to those of us who seen the gentrification of the city up close. The only other states to see declines were Arkansas (-2.2%) and South Carolina (-1.7%).

 

2012 New Hampshire Primary: Trends in Last Night’s Voting

As we did last week following the Iowa caucuses, today we look at the major voting trends from last night’s voting in the New Hampshire primary. In some aspects, we see similar trends as last week: for example, Ron Paul once again dominated the youth (18-29) vote, while Romney dominated among voters with the highest family incomes. In other aspects, however, voting patterns differed from what many of us expected.

The following are some of the most interesting voting trends (using MSNBC polling data) from last night’s New Hampshire primary:

  • Gender: Mitt Romney received nearly 38% of the male vote and 40% of female, distancing himself from Paul who received 26% and 20%, respectively.
  • Age: As at the Iowa caucuses, Ron Paul once again dominated the youth vote by receiving a near majority (47%) of votes casts in the 18-29 age range. This support waned, however, in older age groups: among 30-44 year olds, Paul received 32% (compared to Romney’s 36%); among 45-64 he received 19% (compared to Romney’s 42%); and among 65+ he received only 12% (compared to Romney’s 42%). The other candidates saw less variation across the ages, though both Gingrich and Huntsman received more support the older the age group.
  • Marital status: Perhaps a testament to his massive sex appeal, Ron Paul received much more support from the unmarried—35% supporting him, more than any other candidate—than the married (19%). This result is unsurprising, however, given that Paul garners most of his support from younger (and thus unmarried) voters.
  • Total family income: Romney dominated the upper income bracket, receiving 51% of the vote from voters with family income of $200,000 or more. His support weakened as family income lessened, with a low of 31% from voters with family incomes under $30,000 (compared to Paul’s 36%).
  • Political ideology: Somewhat surprisingly, Romney received a plurality of the votes  in all of the categories of political ideology, including “very conservative”. Among “very conservative” voters he received 33% (runner-up with Santorum with 26%), and among “somewhat conservative” and “moderate or liberal” voters he received 48% and 37%, respectively.
  • Support for tea party: Also surprising (and in contrast to the polling data from the Iowa caucuses) is that Romney gained the most support from voters who strongly support the Tea Party movement, with 36% compared to Paul’s 21% and Santorum’s 20%.

The New Hampshire Primary: A Primer

After months of speeches, debates, hand shaking, baby kissing , and all the other political gestures that we’ve all come to love(?), we’ve finally reached the New Hampshire primary—the first primary election held in the United States. Together with the Iowa caucuses (which we profiled last week), the New Hampshire primary is one of the most important events in a presidential election year, creating momentum for some campaigns, while killing it for others. (As we mentioned previously, every candidate that has won both Iowa and New Hampshire has gone on to win the nomination; only George McGovern (D) in 1972 and Bill Clinton (D) in 1992 won the nomination after losing both).

This article provides some background on this event for our readers who (perhaps like ourselves only hours ago) know very little about this primary, and who wonder why such a small state has such a large role in the nomination process.

Background

While primaries are normally either “open” (e.g., allowing all voters, regardless of party identification, to vote in either party’s primary) or “closed” (e.g., allowing only registered party members to vote in their party’s primary), New Hampshire is often called “semi-closed” in that people registered in one party can’t vote for the other, but “undeclared” voters who are not officially registered in either party can vote in either. Like general elections, voting is done entirely by secret ballot, with the state’s 12 delegates being divided among the candidates with the most votes through proportional representation.

Voter Turnout

Compared to the Iowa caucuses, turnout for the New Hampshire primary is very high. In 2008, 527,350 people (51.3% of the total voting population in the state) voted, with 287,557 voters in the Democratic primary and 239,793 in the Republican primary. These numbers are comparable with national voter turnout in a typical general election, which normally hovers around the 50% mark.

For this year’s primary, the turnout will undoubtedly be much lower as a result of having only one contested primary. (Democrats will also have a primary, but the 13 challengers to President Obama are weak, to say the least.) To get some sense of the expected level of turnout in this year’s primary, we have to look back to 2004, when Bush was running for reelection as an incumbent. In that election, 29.2% of the voting population turned out: 219,787 on the Democratic side, and 67,624 of the Republican side.

The following table shows in graphical form the percentage of the total voting population that has voted in the past 3 presidential primaries:

Voter Turnout

Sources: Presidential Primary Election Results, Federal Election Commission, 2000, 2004, and 2008; “Annual Estimates of the Resident Population by Sex and Age for States: April 1, 2000, to July 1, 2009,” US Census Bureau, June 2010.

 

Finally, it must also be noted that the voters who participate in New Hampshire differ from those in Iowa: whereas the Iowa caucuses tend to attract party activists and donors, the “semi-closed” primary rules in New Hampshire has the effect of attracting more independents, even taking into account the fact that the majority of these “undeclared” voters actually self-identify as either Republicans or Democrats (as polling data from the University of New Hampshire has shown).

 

How representative is the population to the US as a whole?

Finally, as we did with Iowa, we wanted to look at the social/economic/demographic characteristics of the population in New Hampshire to get some sense of how representative it is to the US as a whole. (We accept that almost no state is perfectly representative, but it is useful to get a sense of how far a given state is from the mean).

Starting with economics, New Hampshire is clearly better off than most other states in the U.S. According to survey data from the US Census Bureau’s American Community Survey, the median household income of $63,033 (in 2009 inflation-adjusted dollars) far exceeds the US average of $51,425. And like Iowa, the unemployment rate is low relative the rest of the country: at 5.2%, New Hampshire has the 4th lowest unemployment rate in the country at 5.2%, well below the US average of 8.6%.

Turning to demographics, as the next chart makes clear, the population in New Hampshire (like Iowa) is remarkably homogeneous with 94.8% white, followed by Asians (1.9%) and Blacks (1.1%).

Racial Characteristics of New Hampshire

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2005-2009 American Community Survey

 

In terms of education, New Hampshire is much more highly educated than the US average, with 90.5% graduating high school (compared to US average of 84.6%) and 32.4% receiving a bachelor’s degree or higher (compared to US average of 27.5%).

In short, in many ways New Hampshire is not representative of the rest of the country. The question is: does it matter? Should candidacies be made or undone based on the preferences of one small New England state? We’ll leave that for you to discuss.

 

TheFactFile.com: The Week in Review

TheFactFile.com is a non-partisan fact-checking site that analyzes the facts behind the big issues of the day. Our goal is to let facts and data speak for themselves, regardless of whether that makes us appear “liberal”, “moderate”, “conservative”, or something else entirely.  This first week has been a lot of fun for the staff at TheFactFile.com, seeing our dream come to life.  If you had seen the excitement when our first retweet happened and our first comment arrived you would have retweeted and commented all day.

While we work on more articles for next week, we decided to give you an easy way to catch up with what was up on TheFactFile.com this past week.

 

Monday:

Fact Checking the Fact Checkers - In this article, we answer the big question of why we decided to start TheFactFile.com.

The Iowa Caucuses: A Primer - The Iowa caucuses mark the start of the election season. But what is a caucus? And how important is Iowa in selecting nominees for president?

 

Tuesday:

The Iowa Caucuses: Voter Turnout - This article analyzes past trends in voter turnout for the Iowa caucuses. And the result? Turnout is extremely low, even in “hot” years.

The Iowa Caucuses: Is Iowa Representative of the Rest of the U.S.? - Is Iowa representative of the rest of the US? Here we analyze official demographic/economic data to show that the answer is… yes and no.

 

Wednesday:

2012 Iowa Caucuses: Trends in Last Night’s Voting - This article looks at how demographic and economic characteristics affected voting in the 2012 Iowa caucuses.

Income Inequality in the U.S.: Are the Rich Really Getting Richer? - Is income inequality increasing the the US? Here we answer this question by examining CPS data from 1967-present. The short answer: yes.

 

Thursday:

The Endless Campaign for the Presidency - If it seems like presidential campaigns are getting longer, well…they are. Here we look at the average length of campaigns from FDR to today.

 

Friday:

New Year’s Resolutions: Six Days and Counting - 75% of people who make New Year’s resolutions fail within 6 months. This article looks at research on the determinants of success or failure.

 

Please remember to register so you can comment on TheFactFile.Com without having to fill out the captcha box each time—it is free and easy!

 

2012 Iowa Caucuses: Trends in Last Night’s Voting

The Iowa caucuses have come and gone, and while we all know the big (?) winner of last night—Mitt Romney—we were left wondering about the underlying demographic and socio-economic trends from last night’s voting. Did one candidate dominate the youth vote? Did educational backgrounds affect one’s choice in candidate? And how about income?

Among the most interesting results found in MSNBC’s exit polling are the following:

  • Age: Ron Paul dominated the youth vote, receiving 48 percent of the votes among 17-29 year olds compared to 23 percent for Santorum and only 13 percent for Romney. Conversely, Romney received the most support among voters 65 and over with 33 percent, compared to 20 percent for Santorum and only 11 percent for Paul.
  • Education: The top three candidates received similar shares of the vote across the “more than a high school graduate” and “high school graduate or less” categories. Santorum received the highest share of votes from those in the “more than high school graduate” category with 26 percent, compared to 25 percent for Romney and 22 percent for Paul. Romney received the most votes from high school graduate or less with 22 percent versus Paul’s 20 percent and Santorum’s 19 percent.
  • Income: As with age, there were big swings in support depending on the voter’s total family income. Paul received the most support of voters with incomes under $50,000 with 31 percentcompared to Santorum’s 19 percent and Romney’s 16 percent. Santorum received the most votes in the $50,000-$99,999 category with 29 percent compared to Romney and Paul’s 21 percent. Finally, Romney received the most votes among those with incomes of $100,000 or more, with 36 percent compared to Santorum’s 24 percent and Paul’s 14 percent.
  • Ideology: The largest swings among the three top candidates were seen in voters’ political ideology. Among those self-identifying as “very conservative,” 35 percent supported Santorum with Romney (14 percent) and Paul (15 percent) trailing far behind. In contrast, Romney received the most support among “somewhat conservative” voters, with 32 percent compared to Paul’s 21 percent and Santorum’s 19 percent. Finally, Paul narrowly edged Romney among “moderate or liberal” voters with 40 percent of the vote compared to Romney’s 35 percent. (Santorum’s support among this group dropped to only 8 percent. 

In short, what we saw last night are large vote swings depending on one’s demographic and economic characteristics. Support varied the most depending on one’s age, income, and political ideology.  

The Iowa Caucuses: Is Iowa Representative of the Rest of the U.S.?

Given the disproportionate importance of the Iowa caucuses in choosing presidential nominees, we decided to look at how representative Iowa voters are of the typical American voter.  To be brief, it depends on what we’re comparing: on measures such as the racial characteristics of the population and it’s unemployment rate, Iowa is not at all representative of the nation as a whole. However, in other areas (i.e,. age, education, occupation), state averages mirror those of the nation.

As is clear from the following chart, with a population that is a 92.6% white compared to the US average of 74.5%, Iowa is far more racially homogeneous than the nation as a whole:

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2005-2009 American Community Survey

Similarly, both the percentage of foreign-born citizens (3.8%) and the percentage that speaks a language other than English at home (6.4%) fall far below the nation-wide averages of 12.4% and 19.6%, respectively. (For further demographic trends in Iowa compared to the US as a whole, refer to the US Census Bureau’s American Community Survey).

In addition, the economic characteristics of the population also differ with the rest of the U.S. According to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Iowa had the 6th lowest unemployment rate in the U.S. (5.7% compared to the U.S. average of 8.6%) as of November 2011.

Source: Bureau of Labor Statistics, Local Area Unemployment Statistics.

 

That said, on other measures the population of Iowa is perhaps unexpectedly representative of the nation at large. For example, the next chart compares the occupations of workers aged 16 or older in Iowa and in the US more broadly:

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2005-2009 American Community Survey

As is clear from this chart, Iowa is almost a perfect mirror image of the U.S. as a whole when it comes to occupation. And for a state that is generally known for farming, it may come as a surprise that only 1.1% of the population has farming as an occupation.